Sank's Glossary of Linguistics 
Ren-Rz

RENDAKU
See SEQUENTIAL VOICING.

REPETITIVE COORDINATOR
(Syntax) In Japanese, for example, coordination can be constructed with particles such as to 'and,' mo 'and,' and ka 'or'. Examples below consist of the coordinators and their repetitive coordinators, which are generally assumed to be similar to correlative coordinators such as both and either in English.

1.2.3.
A mo B moA to B to A ka B ka
A CONJ B RC-moA CONJ B RC-toA DISJ B RC-ka
'A and B''A and B''A or B'
 | Ryoichiro Kobayashi, 2016

REPORTATIVE EXCEPTIONALITY
(Grammar) The first part of the Baseline Conception of Evidentials leads us to expect that it should be infelicitous for a speaker to deny p immediately after uttering an evidential-marked sentence pEVID. As first discussed in detail by Faller (2002) for Cuzco Quechua, this expectation is not upheld, an instance of what we will call Reportative Exceptionality (RE).

  1. Cuzco Quechua (Faller 2002)
    a.
    Pay-kuna-s
    (s)he-PL-REP
    ñoqa-man-qa
    I-ILLA-TOP
    qulqi-ta
    money-ACC
    muntu-ntin-pi
    lot-INCL-LOC
    saqiy-wa-n
    leave-1O-3
      p = 'They leave me a lot of money'
      EVID = Speaker was told that p.
    b.
    mana-má
    not-IMPR
    riki
    right
    riku-sqa-yki
    see-PP-2
    ni
    not
    un
    one
    sol-ta
    sol-ACC
    centavo-ta-pis
    cent-ACC-ADD
    saqi-sha-wa-n-chu.
    leave-PROG-1O-3-NEG
      q = '(but) that's not true, as you have seen, they don't leave me one sol, not one cent.'
      EVID = Speaker has direct evidence that q.
 | Scott AnderBois, 2014

REPORTIVE CONDITIONAL
(Grammar) The principal hypothesis we well defend is that the Reportive Conditional (RC) in French (1,4), Italian (2,5), and Spanish (3,6), whether simple (1-3) or compound (4-6), is a bicategorial grammatical marker that expresses zero modalization—the refusal of the speaker to epistemically endorse the cognitive content of his utterance—and a particular type of evidentiality: the borrowing of this content from others (reportive evidentiality). Zero modalization is brought about by "showing" hic et nunc the zero modus ('neither true nor false') in and through the utterance act:

  1. Kadhafi serait malade avec besoin urgent de soins hors Libye. Manière de sortir en sauvant la face? Rumeur? (Twitter 2011)
    'Gaddafi is reportedly ill and in urgent need of care outside Libya. A way of leaving while saving face? Rumor?'
  2. Il leader libico Muammar Gheddafi sarebbe malato (agenzianova.com 2011)
    'The Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi is reportedly ill'
  3. Kadafi estaría enfermo y busca cobijo de Zuma / Estambul. El lider libio Muamar Kadafi está muy enfermo y pretende viajar a Sudáfrica para tratarse, según informó ayer el diario árabe "Al Sharq Al Awsat" (territoriodigital.com 2011)
    'Gaddafi is reportedly ill and seeking shelter with Zuma. Istanbul. The Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi is very ill and is trying to go to South Africa in order to get medical treatment, according to what the Arabic daily Al Sharq Al Awsat reported yesterday.'
  4. Berlusconi aurait songé à éliminer Kadhafi (20minutes.com 2013)
    'Berlusconi is said to have considered eliminating Gaddafi.'
  5. Silvio Berlusconi, nel 2011, avrebbe chiesto al capo dei servizi segreti Gianni De Dennaro di uccidere il Raìs Gheddafi. (today.it 2013)
    'Silvio Berlusconi had reportedly asked the head of the secret services Gianni De Gennaro in 2011 to kill the leader Gaddafi.'
  6. Silvio Berlusconi, de 76 años, habría iniciado el año con una nueva conquista, una guapa actriz colombiana (LaVanguardia.com 2012)
    'Silvio Berlusconi, 76 years old, have-RC.3SG begun the year with a new conquest, a beautiful Colombian actress'
 These two semantic categories constituting the signification of the RC concur to maximally reduce the utterance responsibility of the speaker. | Hans Kronning, 2018

REPORTIVE CONSTRUCTION

  1. (Grammar) Two Italian lexical epistemic and evidential constructions, si vede che (lit. 'one sees that') and dice che (lit. 'says that')—which because of the partial loss of their semantic and inflectional integrity can be considered partially grammaticalized (Pietrandrea 2005)—find a place within the system consistent with what happens for grammatical forms. So, while the construction expressing direct evidence, si vede che, can also be used with an epistemic meaning, the reportive construction, dice che, is purely evidential. The former construction, in fact, entails the expression of the degree of the speaker's commitment (as evidenced by the fact that it cannot be further epistemically qualified (see (1)), whereas the latter does not (as evidenced by the fact that it does allow further epistemical qualification (see (2)):
    1. * Si vede che era stanco, ma io non ci credo / e io ci credo
      'He was clearly tired, but I do not believe that / and I believe that'
    2. Dice che era stanco, ma io non ci credo / e io ci credo
      'He says he was tired, but I do not believe that / and I believe that'
     | Paolo Pietrandrea, 2007
  2. (Grammar) Nantis (Arawak; Peru) make use of three distinct constructions in reporting others' or their own speech. These constructions include two quotative constructions and one reportive construction. Since usage of the terms quotative and reportive is somewhat inconsistent in the literature, for the purposes of this paper I define quotative constructions as reported speech constructions that provide information about the source of the reported speech but not the recipient of the report, while I identify reportive constructions as reported speech constructions that provide information about the recipient, but not the source. | Lev Michael, 2012

REPORTIVE EVIDENTIALITY
(Grammar) Marín-Arrese (2021) echoes Nuyts' (2017) argument that Direct and Reportive evidentiality are non-scalar, referring to the fact that they do not signal a high degree of confidence of the speaker regarding the evidence and, therefore, regarding the result of the inferential process triggered by the evidence. In this vein, direct evidential markers only indicate the mode of knowing and type of evidence (direct, sensory) (Nuyts, 2017: 69), and reportive evidential resources only signal that the speaker has accessed the information indirectly, through communication with others (Nuyts 2017). | Elena Domínguez Romero, 2022

REPORTIVE MARKER

  1. (Grammar) In Nheengatú (Tupian; Amazonia) speakers frequently use a reportive marker (paá) to manage information, distinguishing what is hearsay from what is firsthand experience. The following example illustrates reportative marking in everyday conversation:
    1. I see Aldevan go fishing.
    2. Aldevan's aunt Marcilha arrives at the house and asks where he has gone.
    3. I say:
      u-sú
      3SG-go
      u-piniatika
      3SG-fish
      'He went fishing.'
    4. A friend comes to visit and asks Marcilha where Aldevan has gone.
    5. She says:
      u-sú
      3SG-go
      u-piniatika
      3SG-fish
      paá
      REP
      'He went fishing (they say / I was told)'
     Perhaps because attempting to translate paá into Portuguese commonly yields a speech verb like dizem or contam ('they say' or 'they tell'), some sources mistake the reportive for a verb. | Simeon Floyd, 2005
  2. (Grammar) In Paraguayan Guaraní. The main reportive marker, -je, is a second-position morpheme. It often appears with the reportive demonstrative,aipo 'the reported [X]' / 'the so-called [X],' which functions in tandem with -je and other linguistic strategies to express reported speech. | Maura Velázquez-Castillo, 2017

REPORTIVE PASSIVE
(Grammar) In some languages, e.g. Danish and English, a different construction with a passivized verb is possible. In this construction the subject of the embedded verb becomes the subject of the passivized reportive verb. This "fused" reportive construction is called the reportive passive. Such a construction is impossible in German.
 The passive construction allows to report on a specific emotional attitude. By attributing an information to an external source, the speaker does not claim responsibility for the truth of the reported information, whether it is hoped or expected to come true:

  1. Peter says that it is going to snow
 If the source of information is suppressed, the sentence can be expressed by a pronoun in the subject position:
  1. It is said that it is going to snow
 Some languages allow a different construction with a passivized reportive verb. In this construction the subject of the embedded source becomes the subject of the passivized verb. The subject is now in the center of attention as the following examples in Danish will show:
  1. Alle
    everybody
    hævder,
    claims
    at
    that
    Obama
    Obama
    vinder
    wins
    valget
    the.election
    'Everybody is claiming that Obama is going to win the election'
  2. Obama
    Obama
    hævd-es
    claim-PRS.PASS
    at
    to
    vinde
    win
    valget
    the.election
    'Obama is claimed to win the election'
 In (3) the active verb hævde ('to claim') takes the complement containing a finite verb vinder ('wins'). In (4) the subject of the embedded verb vinde ('to win') is now the subject of the passivized reportive verb and no longer needs a complement with a finite verb, but an infinitive with at ('to'). In (4) the focus appears to be on Obama but the speaker reports this information as coming from an external source. In contrast to (3), Obama is now the subject of the passivized verb. The passive verb hævdes ('is claiming') "raises" Obama out of the embedded clause, providing this subject with a discourse prominent position as it is now subject of the main clause. | Sarah-Louisa Pavel, 2014

REPORTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE
(Grammar) The RS clause is (in the same sentence or in the preceding context) the object of a verb of saying (claiming, asking, commanding), or it is understood as if it were.
 This subjunctive often occurs in clauses embedded under some verb of saying: a verbum dicendi, as in (1).

  1. Er
    he
    behauptete,
    claimed
    dass
    that
    jemand
    somebody
    das
    the
    Auto
    car
    angefahren
    on-driven
    habe,
    havePRESSUB
    ...
    'He claimed that somebody had driven into the car, ...'
 Here the subjunctive alternates with the indicative (angefahren hat) without a noticeable change in meaning; it seems redundant. Now, when the embedding verb is not (necessarily) a verbum dicendi, it can, as it were, be coerced into one, as in (2); here the subjunctive has a clear effect.
  1. Das
    the
    Gericht
    court
    bedauerte,
    regretted
    dass
    that
    es
    it
    nicht
    not
    ermächtigt
    empowered
    sei,
    bePRESSUB
    ein
    a
    Berufsverbot
    profession.prohibition
    zu
    to
    verhängen.
    issue
    'The court regretted that it was "not empowered to issue a Berufsverbot".'
 Or the embedding verb, not a verbum dicendi in the strict sense that it expresses a positive act of assertion, may itself presuppose such an act, as in (3):
  1. In
    in
    einem
    one
    Fall
    case
    bestritt
    denied
    der
    the
    Fahrer,
    driver
    dass
    that
    er
    he
    zu
    too
    wenig
    little
    aufmerksam
    mindful
    gewesen
    been
    sei
    be-PRESSUB
    'In one case, the driver denied that he had been reckless.'
 However, the RS can also occur in autonomous sentences, as in (4). As elsewhere, it signals that the proposition expressed by the sentence is the object of a speech act. Here again, the mood has a definite effect, reminiscent of modal subordination (Roberts 1989).
  1. Rau
    Rau
    hatte
    had
    mit
    with
    Engholm
    Engholm
    gesprochen
    spoken
    und
    and
    ihm
    him
    geraten,
    advised
    im
    in
    Amt
    office
    zu
    to
    bleiben.
    stay
    ‘Rau had talked to Engholm and advised him to stay in office.’
    Doch
    though
    müsse
    mustPRESSUB
    er
    he
    selbst
    himself
    die
    the
    Entscheidung
    decision
    treffen.
    make
    'But he himself would have to make the decision.'
 | Cathrine Fabricius-Hansen and Kjell Johan Sæbø, 2004

RESPONSE-STANCE VERB
(Semantics) Not all attitude verbs have a semantics on which their clausal complement is just predicated of the attitudinal object associated with the event argument of the verb. With one class of attitude verbs, the clausal complement in addition serves as a predicate of a contextually given attitudinal object, which gives further support for the semantics of attitude reports based on attitudinal objects. The class of verbs consists in what Cattell (1978) called response-stance verbs and includes repeat, confirm, agree, and remind, as in the sentences below:

  1. John repeated that it will rain.
  2. John confirmed that it was raining.
  3. John agreed to surrender.
  4. John reminded Mary to return the keys.
 In general, response-stance verbs have a clausal complement that serves to characterize both the reported attitudinal object and a contextually given attitudinal object. Thus, in (1) the complement clause gives the content of two attitudinal objects: John’s assertion (or perhaps just his act of saying) and a contextually given claim, which may be John's or another person's previous claim. In (2), the clausal complement gives the satisfaction condition of John's assertion as well as that of a previous assertion or acceptance with a much weaker illocutionary force. In (3), the infinitival complement specifies actions as satisfiers of John's statement of intent as well as, say, a previous request. In (4), the complement clause gives the satisfaction conditions of Mary's decision or intention that John's locutionary act aims to trigger, as well as those of a previous thought, decision, or intention of Mary's. The lexical meaning of the response-stance verb constrains the nature of the contextually given attitudinal object and its relation to the attitudinal object of the reported agent. | Friederike Moltmann, 2020

RESPONSIVE PREDICATE
(Syntax) A clause-embedding predicate like English know and guess that can take both declarative and interrogative clausal complements. The meanings of RPs when they take a declarative complement and when they take an interrogative complement are hypothesized to be constrained in systematic ways.
 Since Karttunen (1977), a major question for the semantics of question-embedding is the relationship between the interpretation of a given RP when it embeds a declarative complement (e.g., Jo knows that it is raining) and when it embeds an interrogative complement (e.g., Jo knows whether it is raining). | Mora Maldonado, Jennifer Culbertson, and Wataru Uegaki, 2022

RESTRICTED QUANTIFIER
(Semantics) A quantifier is restricted if it ranges over things of a specified sort. It is unrestricted if it ranges over the entire domain.
 In the formal language of logic, we write the restriction or sort indicator after the variable(s) inside parentheses. That is, to restrict to things satisfying a description A, we write ∀(x: A) B or ∃(x: A) B. For unrestricted quantifiers, the restriction is omitted, and of course the parentheses are not needed, so we write ∀x B or ∃x B.
 For the universal and existential quantifiers (and for numerical quantifiers generally) it is possible to translate between the two notations. ∀(x: Fx) Gx is equivalent to ∀x(FxGx), and ∃(x: Fx) Gx is equivalent to ∃x(FxGx). Conversely, ∀x Fx is equivalent to ∀(x: FxFx) Fx or more briefly to ∀(x: ¬Fx) Fx, while ∃x Fx is equivalent to ∃(x: FxFx) Fx or more briefly to ∃(x: Fx) Fx.
 Examples:

  1. To say Every goat is hairy with a restricted quantifier, write ∀(x: Gx) Hx. To say the same thing with an unrestricted quantifier, write ∀x(GxHx).
  2. To say Some footballer is hairy with a restricted quantifier, write ∃(x: Fx) Hx. To say the same thing with an unrestricted quantifier, write ∃x(FxHx).
 | John Slaney, 2021

RESULTATIVE
(Syntax) A phrase that indicates the state of a noun resulting from the completion of the verb. In English:

  1. John licked his plate clean.
  2. Mary painted the fence blue.
  3. The cold weather froze the lake solid.
 Subjects of passive and unaccusative verbs may participate in resultative constructions:
  1. Passive: The well was drained dry.
  2. Unaccusative: The door swung open.
 Subjects of unergative verbs may also participate in resultative constructions, but a "dummy object", that is, an otherwise absent reflexive pronoun must be inserted:
  1. Gordon laughed himself helpless.
  2. The child screamed itself hoarse.
 | Wiktionary, 2010

RESUMPTIVE PRONOUN
(Syntax) A personal pronoun appearing in a relative clause, which restates the antecedent after a pause or interruption (such as an embedded clause, series of adjectives, or a wh-island).

  1. This is the girli that whenever it rains shei cries.
 Resumptive pronouns have been described as "ways of salvaging a sentence that a speaker has started without realizing that it is impossible or at least difficult to finish it grammatically" (Prince 1991). An English speaker might use a resumptive pronoun in order to prevent violations of syntactic constraints (Sharvit 1999). In many languages resumptive pronouns are necessary for a sentence to be grammatical and are required to help interpretation and performance in particular syntactic conditions (Beltrama 2013).
 Common with clitic pronouns in some Romance languages. | Wikipedia, 2022

REVERSATIVE VERB
(Morphology) Prefixed verbs like unload, disconnect, desegregate, and German entfallen, entladen, desinfizieren are called "reversative" verbs because of the apparent semantic effect of the prefix: it somehow "reverses" the meaning of the base verb. The notion of reversative verbs (or prefixes) has been elaborated mainly in word-formation analysis. | Wolf-Peter Funk, 1988

REVERSE PSEUDO-CLEFT
(Grammar) In reverse-pseudo cleft sentences, the focus is placed at the beginning, unlike the other cleft sentences.

Structure: X (focus point) + to be verb + WH clause
  1. Cleft: What I gifted him was a racing car.
    Reverse cleft: A racing car is what I gifted him.
  2. Cleft: We need your support.
    Reverse cleft: Your support is what we need.
  3. Cleft: What I have been looking for is a tech guy.
    Reverse cleft: A tech guy is what I have been looking for.
  4. Cleft: What he is asking for the project is 2 crores.
    Reverse cleft: 2 crores is what he is asking for.
Here, the clause that comes after the main verb (to be) is a noun clause. It works as the subject complement. | Ashish Sharma, 2022

REVERSIBLE PASSIVE

  1. (Syntax) A passive with two animate arguments. | ?
  2. (Syntax) In reversible passive constructions, the subject can be exchanged with the agent in the by-phrase and still leave a correct logical sentence. In nonreversible passive constructions, the subject can not be exchanged with the agent in the by-phrase and still leave a correct logical sentence. | Rochester Institute of Technology, undated

REVERTIVE MOTION
(Semantics) An event of motion where the entity retraces the path of some previous motion event to arrive at the former starting location of the previous motion. It roughly translates as 'going back'.
  Perambulative revertive motion describes an event of motion where the entity returns to the starting location of some previous motion event. It differs from linear revertive motion in that the path of the revertive motion event ε1 is not the same as the path of the (presupposed) previous motion event ε0, and roughly translates as 'going back around' or as the verb 'circle'. | James A. Crippen, 2019

REVISED HIERARCHY MODEL

  1. (Acquisition) The Revised Hierarchical Model (Kroll and Stewart 1994), the RHM, was initially proposed to account for observed asymmetries in translation performance by late bilinguals who acquired the second language (L2) after early childhood and for whom the first language (L1) remains the dominant language. The RHM effectively merged the alternative models of word association and concept mediation described by Potter, So, Von Eckardt, and Feldman (1984) into a single developmental model.
     The RHM explained longer translation latencies from L1 to L2 (forward translation) than from L2 to L1 (backward translation) as an underlying asymmetry in the strength of the links between words and concepts in each of the bilingual's languages. The L1 was hypothesized to have privileged access to meaning, whereas the L2 was thought to be more likely to require mediation via the L1 translation equivalent until the bilingual acquired sufficient skill in the L2 to access meaning directly. On this account, translation from L2 to L1 could be accomplished lexically, without semantic access, if the L2 word enabled lexically mediated retrieval of the translation. In contrast, L1 to L2 translation would necessarily be semantically mediated because of the strong L1 link to meaning. Evidence for the proposed asymmetry was reported in a series of experiments that showed that forward translation, from L1 to L2, was more likely to engage semantics than backwards translation, from L2 to L1 (e.g., Kroll and Stewart 1994, Sholl, Sankaranarayanan, and Kroll 1995). | Judith F. Kroll, Janet G. van Hell, Natasha Tokowicz, and David W. Green, 2010
  2. (Acquisition) The Common Store Model implied that a bilingual's two lexicons have access to one common conceptual store (McCormack 1977). Successive versions of this model, called "Revised Hierarchy Models" (Kroll and Stewart 1994, Kroll and De Groot 1997), suggest that links between the lexicons and the common store, as well as the links between the lexicons themselves, have differential strength depending on the stages of bilingual fluency (Heredia 1997).
     For both beginning and fluent bilinguals, of course, the first language lexicon would have strong direct links to the conceptual store. A beginning bilingual speaking his or her second language would have very weak links to the conceptual store and would access it primarily via translation through the first language lexicon. Very fluent bilinguals would have direct access to the conceptual store from either of their languages and would rely infrequently on translation strategies between the lexicons. Recent evidence, however, may indicate that conceptual access is implicated for all bilinguals beyond very initial stages of second language development (De Groot and Poot 1997). | Robert W. Schrauf and David C. Rubin, 1998

RHOTACIZATION
(Phonology) Rhotacism (American English Dictionary 2013) or "rhotacization" is a sound change that converts one consonant (usually a voiced alveolar consonant: /z/, /d/, /l/, or /n/) to a rhotic consonant in a certain environment. The most common may be of /z/ to /r/ (Catford 2001). When a dialect or member of a language family resists the change and keeps a /z/ sound, this is sometimes known as zetacism. | Wikipedia, 2022

RICHNESS OF THE BASE

  1. (Optimality Theory) Unlike its ancestor theories, OT models phonological generalizations completely at the surface. The assumption that no grammatical restrictions are stated at the level of lexical representation is called "Richness of the Base" (Prince and Smolensky 1993, Smolensky 1996, Smolensky, Davidson, and Jusczyk 2004). | Lisa Davidson, Peter Jusczyk, and Paul Smolensky, 2004
  2. (Optimality Theory) OT supposes that there are no language-specific restrictions on the input. This is called "richness of the base". Every grammar can handle every possible input. | Wikipedia, 2018

RIGHT NODE RAISING

  1. (Syntax) There is a construction involving coordination, "Right-Node Raising" (RNR; Ross 1967), that has long been known to be insensitive to conjunctinternal islands:
    1. [John met the man who wrote __] and [Mary met the woman who published __] the recent bestseller about bats.
     In addition to island insensitivity, RNR has the property that rightmost within each conjunct is a gap associated with the shared material. | Asaf Bachrach and Roni Katzir, 2007
  2. (Syntax) An operation of reduction on coordinated clauses whose rightmost constituents are identical.
     RNR derives the structure in (2) from the underlying structure in (1) by adjoining one copy of the identical constituents (the book) to the right of the sentence, and deleting the identical originals (indicated by e).
    1. [[John saw the book] and [Bill bought the book]]
    2. [[John saw ei ] and [Bill bought ei ]] the booki
     (Postal 1974) | Utrecht Lexicon of Linguistics, 2001

RIGHT UPWARD/DOWNWARD MONOTONICITY
See MONOTONICITY.

RNRI PRINCIPLE
(Semantics) An empirical generalization (Krifka 2007, 2011) which simply states that round numbers tend to get round interpretations. In contrast, non-round numbers always obligatorily get a precise interpretation.
 As for their semantics, it seems that and-a-half phrases indicate an interval/set of values around the Numeral computed in the phrase. Now, let φ be a sentence containing an and-a-half numeral expression α and let β be the actual value that α approximates; then the desired truth/felicity condition is as follows: φ is true/felicitous just in case when β is sufficiently close to [|α|]. By sufficiently close we want the difference between the denotation of and-a-half expression [|α|] and β to be contextually ignorable, which is to say that β falls in this set of values associated with α. | Shaunak Phadnis, 2022

ROOT
(Semantics) Idiosyncratic component of meaning, characterized by an ontological type, chosen from a fixed set of options (e.g., state, result state, thing, stuff, location, manner); the set of roots is in principle open-ended. Not to be confused with the notion of "root" used in morphology. | Beth Levin, 2009

ROOT COMPOUND

  1. (Morphology) Are formed when two existing words are simply joined together, without any extra morpheme, to create a novel word. For example, a barn that is used only for horses may be called a horse barn. These invented words are known as novel "root compounds". | Bernard Grela, William Snyder, Kazuko Hiramatsu, 2004
  2. (Morphology) Mandarin has many compound-like expressions which seem to be derived directly from (non-word) roots. For example, yi, the root of the word ma yi 'ant', occurs in many derived words, including gong yi 'worker ant'. It seems reasonable to analyze these constructions as compounds, yet traditional theories of compounding as well as recent work on Mandarin morphology (Dai 1992) have assumed that true compounding is word-based. Dai further implies that only true compounding is productive and that what we shall term "root compounding" is unproductive, thus apparently strengthening the distinction between the two types.
     We show, using a corpus-based measure of morphological productivity due to Baayen (1989), that many nominal roots in fact productively form root compounds; thus, at least on the basis of productivity, there is no compelling reason to consider word and root compounding as distinct morphological processes. | Richard Sproat and Chilin Shih, 1996

RULE INVERSION
(Grammar) A grammar state with a configuration of underlying forms and rules representing the inverse of the former state. | Jennifer Hay and Andrea Sudbury, 2005

RULE/LIST FALLACY
(Grammar) Most linguistics models adopt what Taylor (2012) has called a dictionary and grammar perspective on language: everything that is idiosyncratic and non-computable is stored in the dictionary and everything that is computable is regulated by the grammar that typically is regarded as devoid of meaning.
 The cognitive definition of grammar as an inventory of form-meaning pairs actually goes against such a view, saying not only that grammatical patterns are inherently meaningful, but also that the existence of a more general pattern (a "rule") does not exclude storage of instances of these patterns with their (possibly particular) meaning. Langacker has called this the "rule/list fallacy": it is not necessarily so that because something is regular or computable, it is not, or cannot, be stored. Quite the contrary, it turns out that full compositionality is rare and that speakers store much more than is often assumed. | Maarten Lemmens, 2015

 

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