Sank's Glossary of Linguistics 
Red-Regq

REDUNDANT QUOTATIVE FRAME

  1. (Discourse) The use of extra verbs of speaking to frame or introduce a speech, which are meant to draw attention to a surprising or important speech that follows. | Steve Runge, 2016
  2. (Discourse) 
    2 καὶ
     and
    ἀνοίξας
    opening
    τὸ
    the
    στόμα
    mouth
    αὐτοῦ
    of.him
    ἐδίδασκεν
    he.was.teaching
    αὐτοὺς
    them
    λέγων
    saying
     There is a redundant quotative frame in verse 2 that signals the importance of the speech that begins in verse 3. The participial phrase, while grammatically positioned to elaborate on the main verb, contains a verb of speaking that slows down the introduction of Jesus' speech to draw attention to it. The Evangelist could have simply introduced the speech by writing, "After sitting down, his disciples came to him and he taught them," but he chose to add another verb of speaking, perhaps to slow the reader down and draw attention to the upcoming speech. As Morris observes regarding the first frame, "It was not necessary to say he opened his mouth, but it makes for a solemn introduction and prepares the reader for some significant teaching." The second verb of speaking, as mentioned earlier, serves a dual function, being also a post-verbal participle elaborating on the action of the main verb. Regarding its use as a redundant quotative frame, it likewise is not necessary and builds expectation for what will be said next. | Stephen Young, 2015

REDUPLICATING INFIX
(Morphology) Infixes are a mild sort of morphological curiosity, since they forsake the peripheral position for some phonologically determined slot inside the word. Typically, the only morphemes that are demonstrably infixes are those that show up inside fully formed roots, like the familiar nasal present of Indo-European.
 Even more exotic, though, is the very unusual phenomenon of infixing reduplication—where a copy of some portion of the root appears inside the root itself. Although infixing reduplication is extremely rare, it is of great intrinsic interest because of the challenge it presents to a theory of reduplication that has been emerging in recent research like Bell (1983), Broselow (1983), Marantz (1982), McCarthy (1981, 1982), and Yip (1982). Infixing reduplications are a problem for this theory both in a complex formal way and because they apparently subvert the fundamentally affixational character of reduplication claimed by the theory. But the issues raised by infixing reduplication have been difficult to resolve because of the scarcity of relevant example and the poverty of whatever data have come to light.
 We have collected and analyzed in considerable detail a number of areally and genetically distinct examples of systematic and productive rules of infixing reduplication.

1. Agta (Malayo-Polynesian) (Marantz 1982 after Healey 1960)

Singular Plural
bari 'body' barbari-k kid-in 'my whole body'
mag-saddu 'leak' (verb) mag-sadsaddu 'leak in many places'
na-wakay 'lost' na-wakwakay 'many things lost'
takka 'leg' taktakki 'legs'

 | John J. McCarthy and Ellen Broselow, 1983

REDUPLICATION

  1. (Morphology) A process in which the root or stem of a word (or part of it) or even the whole word is repeated exactly or with a slight change.
     The classic observation on the semantics of reduplication is Edward Sapir's (1921): "generally employed, with self-evident symbolism, to indicate such concepts as distribution, plurality, repetition, customary activity, increase of size, added intensity, continuance."
     Reduplication is used in inflections to convey a grammatical function, such as plurality, intensification, etc., and in lexical derivation to create new words. It is often used when a speaker adopts a tone more "expressive" or figurative than ordinary speech and is also often, but not exclusively, iconic in meaning.
     Reduplication is found in a wide range of languages and language groups, though its level of linguistic productivity varies. Examples of it can be found at least as far back as Sumerian, where it was used in forming some color terms, e.g. babbar 'white', kukku 'black' (Michalowski 2004).
     Reduplication is the standard term for this phenomenon in the linguistics literature. Other terms that are occasionally used include cloning, doubling, duplication, repetition, and tautonym when it is used in biological taxonomies, such as Bison bison. | Wikipedia, 2022
  2. (Morphology) A class of processes where the phonological exponent of a morphological category is formed by "copying" material from a different portion of the phonological output. The phonological material indicating the category co-varies with the phonological material of the particular base it attaches to, rather than being fixed across bases.
     For example, Diyari makes diminutives by prefixing a copy of (roughly) the first two syllables of the base:
    1. Diyari diminutive reduplication (Austin 1981)
      1. 2σ pirta 'tree' → pirta-pirta 'small tree'
      2. 3σ kinthala 'dog' → kintha-kinthala 'little dog, puppy'
      3. 4σ wilhapina 'old woman' → wilha-wilhapina 'little old woman'
     | Sam Zukoff, 2021

REFERENTIAL THEORY OF MEANING
(Semantics) One of the earliest theories that tried to explain what meaning means. It was propounded by C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards (1923) in a book titled The Meaning of Meaning. In their propositions, they maintained that the meaning of any expression is the entity or object to which such expression refers in the real world. They referred to such object as the referent. In their analysis Ogden and Richards argued that there is no link between expressions and the objects (referents) to which they refer. For them, the connection between a linguistic entity and its referent is only possible through thought. They demonstrated this using a semiotic triangle.


                  /\  Thought/Reference
                 /  \
                /    \
               /. . . \
  Object/Referent    Symbol/Linguistic unit

 The broken base is used to illustrate the argument that there is no direct link between a linguistic unit and the object to which it refers.
 The above authors listed some definitions of the term meaning, some of which are:
  1. An intrinsic property of something.
  2. Other words related to that word in a dictionary.
  3. The connotations of a word.
  4. The thing to which the speaker of that word refers.
  5. The thing to which the speaker of that word should refer.
  6. The thing to which the speaker of that word believes himself to be referring.
  7. The thing to which the hearer of that word believes is being referred to.
 | Gabriella. I. Nwaozuzu, 2013

REGISTER

  1. (Sociolinguistics) The way a speaker uses language differently in different circumstances. Think about the words you choose, your tone of voice, even your body language. You probably behave very differently chatting with a friend than you would at a formal dinner party or during a job interview. These variations in formality, also called stylistic variation, are known as registers in linguistics. They are determined by such factors as social occasion, context, purpose, and audience. | Richard Nordquist, 2019
  2. (Sociolinguistics) Registers are language varieties associated with a particular combination of situational characteristics and communicative purposes, which in turn typically exhibit linguistic similarities (Biber and Conrad 2009). Research has consistently demonstrated the importance of register in explaining systematic patterns of language use (Biber 2012).
     Since the 1920s, studies have acknowledged the importance of context of use when describing language patterns, referencing variation in texts produced for different purposes. Małinowski (1923) argued that a statement "is never detached from the situation in which it has been uttered." Reid (1956) was the first to use the term register to indicate that speakers "on different occasions speak or write differently according to what may roughly be described as different social situations."
     Register is a key construct in many types of linguistic analysis. For example, one burgeoning area of interest is the interaction of register, language learning, and global language use. A great deal of research has focused on second-language (L2) users, investigating questions such as how L1 and L2 writers differ in presenting academic research (e.g., Cao and Xiao 2013) and the possible role of L1 in accounting for this variation (e.g., Staples and Reppen 2016). Attention has also been given to developmental patterns for L2 learners in acquiring register-specific norms [e.g., Parkinson and Musgrave's (2014) study on the developmental progression of noun phrases in L2 writers] and to characterizing language for different task types and at different proficiency levels (e.g., Friginal and Weigle 2014, Biber et al. 2016). | Larissa Goulart, Bethany Gray, Shelley Staples, Amanda Black, et al., 2020

REGISTER CONTINUUM

  1. (Sociolinguistics) A scale which defines varied levels of formality in written and spoken language, depending on register, which itself is influenced or defined by social context. | John Clarke, 2019
  2. (Sociolinguistics) Since in the case of the Cypriot Greek (CG) continuum there are no long geographical distances intervening in language anymore (due to socio-political modifications), most of the speakers are able to use, or at least comprehend, all levels of the continuum, which they use interchangeably themselves according to the situation. Therefore, it seems that the Greek Cypriot (GC) community could be better described as a case of a register continuum (Tsiplakou et al. 2005), where different levels of CG are apparent in different contexts (formal vs. informal) that emerged from an earlier dialect / geographical continuum (Newton 1972), where certain basilectal features overwhelming certain areas differentiate either much or little from a more standardized "koiné" variety.
     While initially the GC situation was described by Newton (1972) as one of a dialect continuum (linguistic variation due to the appearance of regiolects of the different geographical areas), later linguists claimed that dialect leveling and koineization, as a result of geo-socio-political factors, led to the loss of various marked features and gave birth to a register continuum (Tsiplakou et al. 2005). That means Greek Cypriots' language ranges from a heavy dialectal variety (the 'peasant talk' called χωρκάτικα), to a more Standard Modern Greek variety (the 'pen-pusher talk' referred to as καλαμαρίστικα), with two middle levels (the 'correct' or 'tidied-up Cypriot' called συσταρισμένα and the 'polite Cypriot' called ευγενικά). However, sometimes it is difficult to distinguish between the different registers since there is not always a "one-to-one correspondence", especially on the lexical level (Sivas 2003, Tsiplakou et al. 2005, Terkourafi 2007). | Melanie P. Satraki, 2015

REGISTER LANGUAGE
(Prosody; Typology) In the study of tone languages it is usual to make a distinction between register languages which generally use only phonologically level tones (e.g. many West African languages) and those which also use contour tones such as rises, falls, fall–rises and rise–falls (e.g. many East Asian languages, such as Chinese). | Peter Roach, 2011

REGISTER MARKER

  1. (Sociolinguistics) As for individual registers, our data first suggest a mixed pattern for fiction, like in Reijnierse et al. (2019) in that it is low on conventionalized metaphors but occupies a middle position with respect to nonconventionalized and extended metaphor. At the same time, the register in the corpus that conveys the highest degree of register marking are sermons: they exhibit a high degree of non-conventional metaphors, also, extended and potential metaphor emerge as clear register markers for sermons. | Markus Egg and Valia Kordoni, 2023
  2. (Sociolinguistics) The language of sports casting is analyzed in terms of register variation. First the register is "located" by successive approximations to a characterization of its occasions of use, then selected syntactic characteristics are identified: simplification (deletion of copula and sentence initial nominals), inversions, heavy modifiers, result expressions (for + noun, to + verb), routines (e.g., giving the "count"). Some of these are discussed in relation to possible communicative functions, but all are seen as register markers. | Charles A. Ferguson, 1983
  3. (Example) Some examples of variables I hypothesize to be characteristic of academic register in this corpus include the use of intrusive phrases; polysyllabic words and word clusters; affixation; complex conditionals; multiple negation; lengthy sentences and utterances; clausal and prepositional density; and nominalization and denominalization.
     Most analysts point to generic forms ("standard English") and characteristics ("impersonal, hypotactic, linear [forms]") to describe academic discourse. | Honora Maureen Neal, 1994

REGISTER SHIBBOLETH
(Sociolinguistics) Norms (and their cognates values and collective representations) are language-ideological phenomena produced and enacted in communicative action. They are, more precisely, ordered indexicalities: sets of indexicals organized in relation to each other, with some of them being "emblematic" of the meaning effects they generate—a sort of register shibboleth effect, as when someone starts a sentence with oh dear versus fuck (cf. Silverstein 2003, Agha 2005, 2007, Blommaert 2005), or shifts into a mock accent so as to project an evaluated identity on someone else (e.g. Hill 2001, Rampton 2006). | Jan Blommaert, 2018

REGISTER TONE
See LEVEL TONE.

 

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