PHRASAL CATEGORY

1. (Syntax) Syntactic structure involves hierarchy and scope. One of the main expressions of hierarchy is the phrasal category. The phrasal category is an abstract, hierarchical unit that functions as a syntactic constituent. Phrasal categories are projections of their lexical heads: a noun, for instance, heads a noun phrase (NP); a verb heads a verb phrase (VP); etc. There is at least one intermediate level of structure. | Carlota S. Smith, 2009
2. (Syntax) The term grammatical category has been used to cover a wide variety of concepts, such as the nominal and verbal categories, including what traditional grammarians call parts of speech; while the phrasal category includes different levels of syntactic categories which are: Noun phrase (NP), Verb phrase (VP), Adjectival phrase (AdjP), Prepositional phrase (PP); Noun with bar (N′), Verb with bar (V′), Preposition with bar (P′); Noun (N), Verb (V), Adverb (Adv), Adjective (Adj), Preposition (P); and word level of a phrase (Loos 2003, Crystal 1985 / 2008). | Unyime Imo Udoeyo and Aniedi Friday Etim, 2022
3. (Syntax) Morphologically based notions like noun, verb, adjective, and so on are half the original motivation for X̅ theory; the other half is the Bloomfieldian distinction between lexical categories, of which the preceding are examples, and phrasal categories (noun phrase, verb phrase, adjective phrase, etc.). | Susan F. Schmerling, 1983
4. (Categorial Grammar) Some familiar grammatical categories do not appear as such in CG: for example, Adverb, Adverb Phrase, Preposition, and Prepositional Phrase do not exist in exactly parallel form in CG: rather, there are only the phrasal categories S-modifier (S\\S), VP-modifier (VP\\VP), and so on, each of which may contain both solitary lexical expressions (S-adverbs, VP-adverbs), as well as complex phrases consisting of an adverb and modifier ("Adverb Phrase"), a preposition and object (e.g. [(S\\S) /NP NP], a "Prepositional Phrase"), a preposition and two complements ([(VP\\VP) /NP) /Adj NP Adj], e.g. with the president absent) or a sentence and adverbial. subordinating conjunction (e.g. [(S\\S) /S S], an "adverbial subordinate clause"). | David Dowty, 1989
5. (Examples)
    ○ Chapter 2 discusses the empty phrasal category of NP. The discontinuous empty-phrasal-categories suggest an account of PF deletion inside of the Chinese DP. | Liching Livy Chiu, 2011
    ○ We saw that the presence of the plural morpheme implies a phrasal category. | Yasemin Aydemir, 2004
    ○ Suppose that a learner is exposed to small discourses like (1),
   1.  I'll play with this red ball and you can play with that one.
   
   in which one is anaphoric to some previously mentioned discourse entity and that the learner has recognized that one is anaphoric. In order to understand this use of one, the learner must know that it is anaphoric to the phrasal category N′. | Jeffrey Lidz, Sandra Waxman, and Jennifer Freedman, 2003
    ○ Given a theory of this general type, it would not appear to be necessary to assign the ensemble of elements which make up a phrasal predicate to any particular category in lexical representations. In particular, the phrasal predicate as a whole need not be assigned to a phrasal category in the lexicon. Thus we avoid having to duplicate in the lexicon the power of the syntactic component to assign strings of words to phrasal categories. | Farrell Ackerman and Philip LeSourd, 1997

PHRASAL LAYERING

1. (Syntax) Two major approaches to deverbal nominalizations, which Wood (2023) refers to as the Parallel Structures and Phrasal Layering analyses, were developed to capture the observation that nominalizations are frequently isomorphic to their verbal counterparts. In the Parallel Structures analysis, nominalizations are noun phrases with a structure configurationally identical to that of verb phrases (Chomsky 1970). In the Phrasal Layering analysis, nominalizations are built on top of a full verb phrase (Alexiadou 2001, Borer 1997, Fu et al. 2001). | Yining Nie, 2024
2. (Syntax) The syntax (and interpretation, and morphology) of stative passives:
   1. a. The door is open- ed.
      b.
       

      I
      the.NOM

      porta
      door.NOM

      ine
      be.2SG

      aniɣ-
      √OPEN

      i.
       F.NOM

        'The door is opened.'
   
    These are often taken to embed a phrasal verbal structure, one that can be as big as (2):
   2.  Stative Passive à la Phrasal Layering

              /\
             /  \
            /    \
         Stat   VoiceP
          -ed      /\
                  /  \
                 /    \
          Voice(PASS)    vP
                       / \
                      /   \
                     /     \
                    v       DP
                   /\       /\
                  /  \     /  \
                 /    \   /____\
                v   √OPEN  the door
      

    | Lefteris Paparounas, 2022
3. (Examples)
    ○ In Oshiwambo (Niger-Congo; Angola, Namibia) subject nominalizations, the presence of the reflexive marker, applied arguments, by-phrases, low adverbs, and temporal adverbs calls for a more articulated structure that includes VoiceP and TP. Overall, the facts in Oshiwambo can be captured under an extended version of Alexiadou and Schäfer's (2010) phrasal layering analysis where verbal functional projections, including TP, can be established inside the nominal domain. | Soo-Hwan Lee and Olivia Ndapo, 2025
    ○ Subject nominalizations in all of the languages discussed so far are best analyzed under the Phrasal Layering analysis (Alexiadou and Schäfer 2010, a.o.). The Phrasal Layering analysis highlights the similarities between the nominal and clausal syntax. Hence, verbal projections, such as VP and vP, can be employed for nominalizations under this approach. It follows, then, that external and internal arguments can be introduced in nominalizations. This accounts for the realization of reflexive markers, nominal licensing, and the distinction between unergative and unaccusative predicates. | Soo-Hwan Lee, 2024
    ○ The work presented here summarizes several tools that have been discussed extensively in the relevant literature on phrasal layering accounts of compound formation, especially within certain versions of the Distributed Morphology framework (see, for example, Alexiadou 2017, 2020, Iordăchioaia et al. 2017, Iordăchioaia 2019). | Dimitrios Ntelitheos, 2022

PHRASAL MOVEMENT

1. (Syntax) There are many types of phrasal movement across languages, with a variety of effects and functions. The pairs in (1)-(4) illustrate some of the ways in which noun phrases can be displaced in English.
   1.  Raising
      a. It seems that the world is round.
      b. The world_i seems  _i to be round.
   2.  Passivization
      a. Someone broke the lamp.
      b. The lamp_i was broken  _i.
   3.  Wh-movement
      a. I thought that you had read those books.
      b. Which books_i did I think that you had read  _i?
   4.  Topicalization
      a. I have never seen these people before.
      b. These people_i, I have never seen  _i before.
   
    As these examples make clear, different types of phrasal movement vary a great deal in how they affect the structure of the surrounding sentence and in their effects on interpretation. In English, passivization requires a participle and auxiliary (2b), and wh-movement triggers subject-auxiliary inversion (3b), while topicalization does not obviously alter the surrounding material at all (4b). Passivization demotes the thematic subject, while wh-movement changes a statement into a question. | Coppe van Urk, 2015
2. (Syntax) When we diagnose a phrase X as having undergone an instance of phrasal movement, we are claiming that the phrase occupies two distinct positions in a single syntactic structure. As a consequence, X is immediately dominated by more than one distinct category, a property often called multidominance (a notion developed by Engdahl 1986, Blevins 1990, Starke 2001, Gärtner 2002, a.o.). An additional property is crucial to the diagnosis of movement: c-command between the two positions. To a first approximation, then, when syntacticians diagnose phrasal movement, they have the following characterization in mind:
   1.  A phrase X has undergone movement if ...
      a. the multidominance property:
       ... X occupies (at least) two syntactic positions α, β; such that ...
      b. the c-command property:
       ... α c-commands β.
   
    The view of movement assumed in this chapter attributes its multidominance property to the rule Merge. | David Pesetsky, 2013
3. (Example)
    ○ Cinque (2010) argues that the marked orders in both Germanic languages and Romance languages are derived by phrasal movement. For instance, the English unmarked [A N] order is the base-order, as in (1a). In order to derive the marked order [N A], first, an adjective in the high zone moves up, deriving the structure in (1b), and then the remnant phrase, which contains the noun, moves to the left of the raised adjective, as in (1c).
   1. a. [_FP^H A^indirect [_FP^L A^direct N ] ] (base order)
      b. A_i^indirect [_FP^H __ _i [_FP^L ... N ] ]
      c. [_FP^H __ _i [_FP^L ... N ] ]_k ... A_i^indirect __ _k (marked order)
   
    | Niina Ning Zhang, 2015

PHRASAL NUCLEUS

1. (Syntax) The term pair nucleus vs. satellite was introduced by Seiler (1960) for what is now commonly known as "head" vs. "dependent". The terms head and dependent are used for the main element of a phrase (determining its distributional properties) and for the other elements. | Glottopedia, 2014, 2007
2. (Prosody) An intonational phrase has a specifiable intonational structure including a single most prominent point (the nucleus). (Halliday 1967, Hockett 1958, Lieberman 1967, Pierrehumbert 1980, Trager and Smith 1951) | Glottopedia, 2008
3. (Examples)
    ○ Each phrase in Lushootseed (Salish; USA) is built up around a Phonological Word (W) which serves as a kind of phrasal nucleus to which phonological clitics (C) are attached via one of the two processes of cliticization or phonological incorporation. As discussed in Beck (1999), whether a given lexical item is an eligible phrasal nucleus is not determined entirely by its semantic, syntactic, or morphological properties. As a rule of thumb:
   • Words belonging to major word classes tend to be phonological heads; nouns are always heads, as are derived verbs (Lushootseed has no adjectives—Beck 2002).
   • Particles are not words, unless marked for emphasis.
   • Deictics and words corresponding to English adjectives and adverbs may be either clitics or words, depending on which is needed to achieve optimal phrasing.
   
    | David Beck and David Bennett, 2007
    ○ The ADAM (Architecture for Dialogue Annotation on Multiple Levels) proposal for morphosyntactic and syntactic annotation is a two-layer annotation structure, containing respectively information on word category and morphosyntactic features (pos tagging), and non-recursive phrasal nuclei (called chunks). | Roldano Cattoni, Morena Danieli, Vanessa Sandrini, and Claudia Soria, 2002
    ○ The formation of phonological phrases (PhP) in Lushootseed (Salish; USA) is closely tied to the notion of the phonological word, and the building of phrases in many ways resembles the building of syllables. Like the syllable, the Lushootseed phonological phrase is built up around a single head or phrasal nucleus, and the ideal or canonical phrase allows for a single initial non-head element—the phrasal onset; on the other hand, phrasing does not allow for any element to follow the head (i.e. a phrasal coda). | David Beck, 1999
    ○ The phrase level in Telefol (Trans-New Guinea; Papua New Guinea) contains a nucleus of potentially very complex internal structure, and laterals which are not expandable. String constituent analysis does not necessarily require that all the beads in a string be the same size or shape, nor that all the laterals to a nucleus should have the same intensity of relationship. It is demonstrated here that certain items within the nucleus stand in a subordinate relationship to their head, the noun, and that certain items outside the nucleus stand in a subordinate relationship to the nucleus as such, even when it is manifested by one of the nuclear subordinates in isolation, without its noun head. | Phyllis M. Healey, 1965
    ○ Morphemically significant pitch sequences in Huichol (Uto-Aztecan; Mexico) occur principally on the final one or two feet of the phrase. The locus of occurrence of these pitch sequences is the phrase nucleus. Contrasts of all phonemic pitch levels occur in the nucleus; in the precontour which precedes it only limited pitch constrasts occur. | Joseph E. Grimes, 1959

PHRASAL PITCH ACCENT
(Examples)
 ○ Most interestingly in this study of Japanese (Japonic; Japan), together with the duration results of three-syllable words, C3 (the third consonant of the test word) of the final-accented (P3) condition is found to be both the fastest and the longest gesture, which is characteristic of phrasal pitch accent in stress languages. No interaction effects between phrasal position and pitch accent position were found in two- or three-syllable words. | Karen Tsai and Argyro Katsika, 2020
 ○ The second strategy for constructing polar questions in Fa D'Ambô (Portuguese-based Creole; Equatorial Guinea) is the stress of the last phonetic mora of the final prosodic word of the utterance associated with an increasing intonation. It is here analyzed as a consequence of a phrasal pitch-accent linked to the last mora of the sentence. This final pitch-accent contributes to the increasing intonation found in these sentences. In this way, the accentuation pattern in the final mora is revealed when pre-final stress of a lexical item in declarative sentences is performed as final by the association of the phrasal pitch-accent (H*) on the right. | Ana Lívia Agostinho, Gabriel Antunes de Araujo, and Eduardo Ferreira dos Santos, 2019
 ○ It may be the case that languages that have been described or listed as word-level pitch accent systems may be phrasal pitch accent systems. | Harry van der Hulst, 2011
 ○ I focus on the intonational system of the Bizkaian dialect [of Basque (isolate; Spain)] spoken in Lekeitio, a coastal town located in northeastern Biscay. In this dialect, tones are grouped in intonational units of different levels in a prosodic hierarchy, in a fashion similar to that of Japanese (cf. Beckman and Pierrehumbert 1986, Pierrehumbert and Beckman 1988). First, there is a lexical pitch accent, of the shape H*+L, which is a property of the word level, i.e., it is assigned at the word level in the phonological representation. At a higher prosodic level, where words can be grouped, we find the accentual phrase, characterized by an initial %L boundary tone and a lexical or phrasal pitch accent (H*+L). These accentual phrases can be grouped into higher levels of prosodic structure, which we call intermediate phrases. These are the domains where downstep or catathesis applies. | Gorka Elordieta, 1998

PHRASAL PROMINENCE

1. (Prosody) It is important to distinguish stress from phrasal prominence (or phrasal stress), a cover term for a variety of phenomena that can be misinterpreted as stress if words are recorded in isolation or in inadequate frame sentences. Phrasal prominence not only includes the lengthening effects typically found at phrase edges (Beckman and Edwards 1990, Cutler and Butterfield 1990, Turk and Shattuck-Hufnagel 2000), but can also result from the realization of boundary tones. Along similar lines, stress can be difficult to distinguish from word-final lengthening (Cutler and Butterfield 1990, Byrd 1996, Byrd, Krivokapić, and Lee 2006, Fletcher 2010). Information structure (focus, givenness, topicalization) can also affect phrasal prominence, but our understanding of information structure in Vietnamese is still limited (Michaud and Brunelle 2014 / 2016). | Marc Brunelle, 2017
2. (Examples)
    ○ Several interesting issues are tied to the metrical representation of post-focal constituents. In fact, if post-focal constituents are assigned phrasal metrical prominences, we have to discard the idea that Italian is characterized by a rigid prosodic template which invariantly obeys Rightmostness, since the focus phrase is not aligned with the rightmost phrasal prominence. Finally, if post-focal constituents in Tuscan Italian are endowed with genuine phrasal prominences which are not realized via pitch movements, we have to reject the common view that the heads of the higher layers in the prosodic hierarchy are always expressed by means of F0 movement, as concluded in Beckman and Edwards (1994) with regard to English. | Giuliano Bocci and Cinzia Avesani, 2011
    ○ How do we know that infants pay attention to phonological phrase prominence rather than to another level of prominence, for example to primary or secondary lexical (word) stress, which can also be either trochaic or iambic? First of all, phrasal prominence is much more audible than word stress. Second, it has been shown that when adults are asked to mark the prominent elements they hear in utterances of a language that they are not familiar with, this is exactly the level they mark (den Os 1988). We assume that infants also pay attention to this most audible level of prominence. | Marina Nespor, Mohinish Shukla, Ruben van de Vijver, Cinzia Avesani, Hanna Schraudolf, and Caterina Donati, 2008

PHRASAL STRESS

1. (Prosody) Stress can be defined as "the linguistic manifestation of rhythmic structure" (Hayes 1995), a structure with different levels that can be marked by different levels of stress. In English, there is one strongest stressed syllable at the level of the content word and one strongest stressed word at the level of the intonational phrase (Hayes 1995). Other syllables or words can also be stressed, but less strongly. Stress that is a property of words is lexical stress; stress that is a property of phrases is phrasal stress. | Rebecca Scarborough, Patricia Keating, Sven L. Mattys, Taehong Cho, and Abeer Alwan, 2009
2. (Prosody) Or, sentence stress. Just as when syllables combine to form a word one of them receives greater prominence, so too when words combine to form a sentence one of the words will receive greater prominence. In a sentence like, I gave the book to Bob, the word Bob usually is the most prominent in neutral discourse contexts. Of course, there are situations where non-native speakers have to learn when to appropriately assign correct phrasal stress.  | John Archibald, 1997
3. (Prosody) Or, p-stress. Word stress (Hayes 1995) is the strongest stress in a prosodic word. Phrasal stress is stress assigned beyond word stress in syntactic collocations of words, such as phrases, clauses, or sentences. Some examples are shown in (1) with word stress indicated by underlining, thick underlining, and thick underlining with italics.
   1. a. Who did you meet? The brother of Mary.
      b. Guess what. The mayor of Chicago won their support.
      c. Who came to be party? The brother of Mary came to the party.
      d. German: Was hat John getan? 'What did John do?'
       – Er hat Linguistik unterrichtet. 'He taught linguistics.'
       – Er hat in Ghana unterrichtet. 'He taught in Ghana.'
    In examples like these, it is felt that the thickly underlined syllables (bearing phrasal stress) are stressed more than the other underlined syllables (bearing word stress) in the same utterance. Among the thickly underlined syllables, it is felt that the strongest stress of each utterance is on the italic element. | Hubert Truckenbrodt, 2006
4. (Examples)
    ○ Forty Korean speakers learning English as a foreign language and 11 native English speakers read aloud sentences designed to elicit contrasts in lexical stress (e.g., súspect as a noun vs. suspéct as a verb) and phrasal stress (príntout as a compound noun vs. print óut as a phrasal verb). | Hyunah Baek and Shinsook Lee, 2024
    ○ The three types of stresses namely word stress, compound stress and phrasal stress are the key elements to determine the exact means of conveying a specific intent in an utterance.
    In such contrastive patterns as ˈhot ˌdog (type of food) [compound] vs. ˌhot ˈdog (hot canine) [phrase] and a ˈgreen ˌhouse (a building made of glass for growing plants inside) [compound] vs. a ˌgreen ˈhouse (a house which is painted green) [phrase] the difference in the stress placement is a clear indication of meaning changes expressed. Compounds have primary stress on the first word, and on those following them they have secondary stress. In the compound ˈgolf ˌball, the first word has primary stress and the following word has secondary stress.
    As for phrases, however, their qualified elements i.e. the words second in line are stressed more prominently.
    Therefore the acquisition of such a distinction in stress patterns in phrases and compounds is very important for learners of English in order to analyze what is said and convey their meaning more precisely in their oral communication. Natives make little mistake in distinguishing between the two because they are consciously familiar with them from their childhood on in their immediate environment. | Metin Yurtbașı, 2017
    ○ While the acquisition of lexical stress only requires the notion of Phonological Word, as does the acquisition of most segmental phonology, we propose that the constituents that must be acquired for Compound and Phrasal stress are the Clitic Group and the Phonological Phrase, respectively. | Irene Vogel and Eric Raimy, 2002

PHRASAL VERB CONSTRUCTION

1. (Grammar) Among multi-word expressions, phrasal verbs (PVs) are one of the most prolific, productive and elusive structures. Broadly, PVs form multi-word structures by combining a lexical verb and an adverbial particle, as illustrated in (1-3). (1) illustrates an intransitive (henceforth [V Prt]) use of the PV break down, and (2) and (3) illustrate transitive uses of bring up and turn on. In the case of bring up, the verb is used in a verb-particle-object ([V Prt Obj]) structure and in the case of turn on the verb is used in a verb-object-particle ([V Obj Prt]) structure.
   1. I just broke down in tears when I saw the letter.
   2. I ventured to bring up the subject of the future.
   3. The warden said that she would turn the heating on.
   
    Semantically, it is generally accepted that PVs represent single semantic units. For instance, Biber et al. (1999 / 2021) observes that PVs "can be classified by semantic domain, based on their core meanings, using the same categories as simple lexical verbs" such as activity, mental, communication or aspectual. Further, PVs can convey idiomatic meanings that cannot be recovered bottom-up (Alejo Gonzáles 2010, e.g. bring up in the sense of 'raise'). However, despite having an overall meaning, PVs can also retain, to a certain extent, the meaning of their components (cf. Jackendoff 1997, Celce-Murcia and Larsen-Freeman 1999, Armstrong 2004). For instance, in the case of semi-idiomatic PVs, the verb word keeps its meaning while the meaning of the particle is less easy to isolate (Quirk et al. 1985, e.g. slacken off, cut up) and in the case of nonidiomatic PVs, the individual meanings of the components remain apparent (e.g. bring in, walk up, take out). Further, PVs can be interpreted differently depending on their context of use: For instance, bring up can be fully compositional in the sense of 'carry something up the stairs' and metaphorical in the sense of 'raise (a topic)'.
    In the usage-based tradition, PVs are constructions like all other constructions, i.e. "conventionalized pairings of form and function" (Goldberg 2006) which, cognitively, can be seen as mental patterns as they represent regularities that speakers can extract from a number of analogical usage events (Cappelle 2009). | Sandra C. Deshors, 2016
2. (Construction Grammar) A constructional approach distinguishes between three levels of analysis:
   1. i. The higher level of the phrasal verb "superconstruction".
      ii. The intermediate level of the structural patterns [V Prt], [V Prt OBJ] and [V OBJ Prt].
      iii. The lower level of lexically specified phrasal verbs.
   
    The phrasal verb is a structure which corresponds to a construction in the traditional sense of the word. Formally, this "superconstruction" is characterized by the presence of a verb followed (directly or not) by a particle, as well as some other common features including a higher degree of stress on the particle than on the verb and the impossibility for an adverb functioning as adjunct to be inserted between the verb and the particle (to be contrasted with the behavior of prepositional verbs, cf. Quirk et al. 1985).
    Semantically, the verb and the particle form a single unit of sense in which the particle modifies or completes the meaning of the verb. The conventionalized pairing of these form and meaning poles is what lies at the heart of the phrasal verb construction (PV). PVs subsume three different patterns:
   2. i.  [V Prt] (intransitive phrasal verb).
      ii.  [V Prt OBJ] (transitive phrasal verb with an object following the particle).
      iii. [V OBJ Prt] (transitive phrasal verb with an object preceding the particle).
   
    To these two levels—the "superconstruction" and the structural patterns—we can add the lower level of specificity recognized by Hampe (2012), that of the individual, lexically specified phrasal verbs. Taken together, these different levels constitute a network of constructions which are all related to one another and in which each construction is an instantiation of the schema above it (see, e.g., Croft and Cruse 2004 on taxonomic networks of constructions). | Gaëtanelle Gilquin, 2015
3. (Examples)
    ○ Data analysis enabled the researcher to provide a list of the most productive lexical verbs and adverbial particles (APs) forming verb + particle constructions in the Corpus of EU English (CEUE). A total of 130 lexical verb-types and 14 particles were identified in a total of 1,031 phrasal verb constructions. Considering the overall size of the corpus (about 200,000 tokens), this means one phrasal verb construction appeared in approximately every 200 words of text.
    From the top 50 lexical verbs in the CEUE, eleven items, namely BASE, BRING, CALL, GO, MAKE, OPEN, PUT, REPORT, SET, TAKE and WORK frequently appeared in phrasal verb constructions; moreover, some of them combined with the largest number of adverbial particles. For example, the verb TAKE combined with 8 different particles in the CEUE to form phrasal verbs such as TAKE AWAY, TAKE BACK, TAKE FORWARD, TAKE OFF, TAKE ON, TAKE OUT, TAKE OVER and TAKE UP. Interestingly, about half of the 25 most frequent phrasal verbs in the CEUE (e.g., SET, PUT, MAKE, FIND, TAKE, etc.) were among the 20 most frequent lexical verbs forming phrasal verb combinations in the British National Corpus (BNC Written). | Abdolvahed Zarifi and Jayakaran Mukundan, 2013
    ○ A simplified version of Cognitive Construction Grammar is used to analyze and categorize the phrasal verb constructions. The results indicate that separable and non-separable transitive English phrasal verbs are similar but different constructions with specific syntactic reasons for the incompatibility of the word order alternation with the non-separable verbs. | Anna L. Olson, 2013
    ○ The English phrasal verb construction displays complex syntactic distributions. This paper provides a lexical analysis on the construction with the assumption that transitive phrasal verbs are classified into two different types:
   1. A type with a predicative particle.
   2. The other type with a non-predicative idiomatic particle.
   
    With the supposition of a lexical rule that can switch the obliqueness of the particle and the direct object NP, the paper introduces the PRED and LEX features within the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. | Chan Chung and Jong-Bok Kim, 2007

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